In contemporary Polish politics, there is a tendency to use Ukrainians as a universal explanation for systemic problems, which distracts from the real challenges facing the country. The high cost of housing, the complexities of the pension system, and contentious issues of historical memory are all, according to some politicians, linked to the presence of Ukrainians. This approach substitutes the search for culprits for an analysis of the causes of problems, which is a form of political marketing rather than a constructive solution.

The Housing Cost Problem

Politicians, particularly those from the "Confederation" party, cite factors influencing housing prices such as capital inflows, migration, land costs, construction restrictions, and job concentration in large agglomerations. However, by excluding Ukrainians from this equation, they create a simplified narrative: housing is expensive because Ukrainians are buying it.

The simple question is whether the problem of expensive housing would disappear if Ukrainian capital left the Polish real estate market. It is unlikely that the prices of apartments, land, or building materials would suddenly decrease, nor that administrative procedures would accelerate. The housing market is a complex system dependent on demand, supply, credit, and urban planning policies. It is easier for politicians to point fingers at foreigners than to explain decades of urban planning and administrative errors.

Pension System and Foreign Pensions

The "Confederation" party has submitted a draft law to the Sejm proposing to establish additional conditions for increasing foreign pensions to the Polish minimum. According to the draft, there must be at least 25 minimum wages credited to the account at the Social Insurance Institution (ZUS).

The current Polish-Ukrainian social security agreement allows for the summation of insurance periods. Critics argue that this could lead to a situation where a person who has worked for one day in Poland becomes eligible for a full pension. If legislation creates financial imbalances, it should be changed by revising the budget and agreements. However, in the media, this issue is often reduced to a loud slogan.

It is important to note that one day of work in Poland by itself does not grant the right to a full pension package; there are age and service requirements. Political marketing, on the other hand, requires a vivid image and loud statements. Instead of forming a universal rule for all foreigners, by linking the supplement to the volume of Polish contributions, politicians use nationality to create populist slogans.

Historical Memory and Presumption of Guilt

In Poland, signatures are being collected for a civil bill project titled "Punishment for Banderism," aimed at prohibiting the propaganda of the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). The memory of the Volhynian tragedy is an important historical theme for Poland, and Poles have the right to shape their own memory policy.

However, it does not follow from this that a modern migrant is a carrier of this ideology. Applying the principle of collective responsibility is a dangerous logic. Imagine if a German or a Pole, upon entering another country, were asked to prove that they do not support the historical crimes of their country – this is absurd. The normal approach is to evaluate individual actions and hold individuals accountable for committed crimes.

The fight against "Banderism" in Poland is politically advantageous, allowing politicians to claim credit. If this logic is taken to its extreme, one can arrive at a presumption of guilt. Politicians are proposing to introduce mandatory tests for political reliability, asking questions about Volhynia, the reasons for buying housing, or the language of dreams.

Tightening the Screws and Searching for Enemies

If a person works, pays taxes, and does not break the law, that is no longer enough. It is required to pass an ideological "technical inspection" and obtain certificates of "non-suspiciousness" of thoughts. When complex state tasks are reduced to a "circus with passports" and absurd draft laws, problems are not solved, but only acquire new complexities.

Instead of real development programs concerning affordable housing, healthcare reform, reduction of administrative queues, and increasing economic productivity, politicians are focusing on searching for enemies. Ukrainians should be left alone if they abide by the law. Broke the law – apply sanctions. There is an error in payments – check the payment. But turning a passport into evidence is unacceptable, otherwise the state stops dealing with rules and becomes a machine for endless searching for culprits.

Right-wing politicians are actively rocking this boat, offering a microphone and a loud voice instead of hard daily work. While politicians explain failures by the machinations of foreigners, apartments will not become cheaper, and problems will remain. The main question is when this "dull carnival of searching for enemies" will end and real work with state institutions will begin.

Given that right-wing parties are unlikely to enter the ruling coalition, this trend is likely to continue. Perhaps in a year, after the elections, citizens will be offered working programs for the economy and infrastructure, and only then, if time permits, will they find out what language a person thinks in and why they "dared to breathe Polish air."

Ukrainians are having "the screws tightened," and although for now it is happening at the level of rhetoric, the trend is a cause for serious concern. Hope remains that these fears are unfounded, but the current reality looks like a series of foolishness. It is important to maintain optimism, believe in yourself and your loved ones.

The Migrant's Handbook reminds you of its role as a reliable assistant in resolving issues of Polish bureaucracy.