Russia, the largest country in the world by area and one of the ten most populous, has over 146 million permanent residents. Each of them holds a unique opinion, much like how every child considers their mother the most beautiful. This thought, highlighted by Soviet documentarian Mikhail Romm, reflects the fundamental idea that people should not and cannot be the same.

Just as football fans, while supporting different clubs, unite in their support for the national team, citizens can have different political preferences without becoming enemies. They all desire Russia's prosperity. The State Duma, composed of 450 deputies, is analogous to the national football team, tasked with enacting laws for a vast country. It is important that it includes representatives from various political forces.

This article is addressed not only to regular viewers of the channel but also to supporters of Vladimir Putin, voters for "United Russia," and those who are generally satisfied with the current situation and see no point in expressing their position through voting. Elections are a crucial moment for the country, requiring an exchange of opinions, even if they differ.

The author's website features an overview of candidates for the State Duma, their biographies and statements, as well as the author's personal opinion. To find information for a specific electoral district, it is suggested to enter an address or use the map. There, one can also find a guide to bypassing internet restrictions in Russia and information about the Liberty VPN service, which offers a 30-day free trial period.

2026 State Duma Elections

Legislative power in Russia belongs to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, which consists of two chambers: the Federation Council and the State Duma. The election of the 450 deputies of the State Duma is held under two main systems:

1. Party Lists: 225 deputies are elected on a single federal constituency basis. Each party nominates a list of candidates, which voters across the country vote for.
2. Single-Mandate Constituencies: 225 deputies are elected in 225 single-mandate electoral constituencies. Each constituency elects one representative. Federal subjects have at least one constituency, the number of which depends on the voter population. Moscow, for example, has 16 constituencies, while Yakutia has only one, despite its vast territory.

Voters participating in the State Duma elections in Russia or the city of Baikonur receive two ballots. The first ballot is for voting on party lists, which indicate the names of the parties and their candidates. The lists of "United Russia" include well-known figures such as Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Moscow Mayor Sergey Sobyanin. Their presence on the lists is likely symbolic, part of a "frontman" strategy aimed at drawing attention to the party list. These candidates will likely decline their seats in the Duma in favor of other party members.

The second ballot contains a list of candidates running in single-mandate constituencies. The candidate who receives the most votes wins, even if it is not an absolute majority (e.g., 20% or 30%). The system does not provide for a second round of voting.

It is important to note that voters are not obligated to vote for the same party on both ballots. For example, a voter may cast their vote for one party on the party list and for a candidate from another party in their single-mandate constituency. In some regions, additional elections may be held, for example, for local councils of deputies, which will result in the appearance of a third and subsequent ballots.

The Significance of Elections and Civic Engagement

Elections to the State Duma are not merely a procedure for forming the legislative body but also a nationwide assessment of the ruling party's performance over the past five years. A vote for "United Russia" or its candidates signifies full satisfaction with their activities. Conversely, abstaining from voting can be interpreted as an absence of claims, complaints, or suggestions, akin to a soldier's standard response during an inspection.

Elections are one of the primary nationwide opinion polls. The anonymity of voting guarantees that no one will know a voter's choice. Electronic voting is also anonymous.

If a voter plans to vote for "United Russia" or not vote at all, they should ask themselves: do they have any complaints, requests, or suggestions? If not, the decision is logical. However, if such exist, participating in the election is an opportunity to express them. Unlike military formality, civil authorities are genuinely interested in election results, as they reflect the degree of public trust and provide the political system with information about its capabilities.

An example of the impact of election results on political decisions can be seen in the 2018 presidential campaign. Despite Vladimir Putin's predicted victory, the low percentage of votes he received (around 77% according to the Central Election Commission) could have influenced his decision to raise the retirement age. Had he received only 51% of the votes, his confidence in his ability to implement an unpopular reform, contradicting his own campaign promises, might have been lower.

A similar principle applies to State Duma elections. The share of votes cast for parties influences not only the distribution of seats but also the authorities' perception of their legitimacy. Even if "United Russia" retains its majority, the size of that majority matters. A slight decrease in support can signal to the authorities the need to work harder and avoid excessive self-confidence.

In regions where vote counting is conducted honestly, election results hold particular significance. Even for supporters of "United Russia" and Vladimir Putin, it might be advisable to vote for other parties and candidates. This can serve as a way to convey to the president information about dissatisfaction with certain aspects of policy, especially considering that elections are the most effective channel for such communication.

An example of the ruling party's potential overconfidence can be seen in the situation with Pyotr Tolstoy, a member of the Supreme Council of "United Russia" and Deputy Speaker of the State Duma. During a debate, he was asked about three laws passed by "United Russia" that improved people's lives. As examples, Tolstoy cited the increase in VAT and corporate taxes (which, in his opinion, contributed to replenishing regional budgets and funding social projects), as well as the law on replacing foreign signs with Cyrillic ones (which, according to him, helped to get rid of the feeling of colonial dependence). Critics note that these examples do not demonstrate a direct improvement in citizens' lives but rather aim to replenish the budget or solve symbolic tasks. Such preparation for debates might indicate a lack of thorough argumentation and overconfidence.

The author proposes their own criteria for voting, based on candidates' positions regarding the war and mobilization: calls for the return of mobilized individuals or for the recruitment of new soldiers. However, it is emphasized that each voter may have their own criteria, different from the author's, which is natural.

It is proposed to consider a scenario where a high voter turnout and a significant decrease in the share of votes for "United Russia" could serve as a "wake-up call" for the party. This could lead to the necessity of negotiations with other parties and an increase in the representation of various political forces in the Duma. The appearance in parliament of even a few unexpected deputies, representing millions of Russians, could contribute to a more diverse and possibly more effective representation of citizens' interests. The author urges to consider this possibility as potentially beneficial for Russia.